LET US UNITE 
ON THE BASIS 
OF THE 
MOSCOW DECLARATION 
AND THE 
MOSCOW STATEMENT 

 
FOREIGN LANGUAGES PRESS 
P E K I N G

From Marx to Mao 
ML 
© Digital Reprints 
2006

LET US UNITE 
ON THE BASIS 
OF THE 
MOSCOW DECLARATION 
AND THE 
MOSCOW STATEMENT 
FOREIGN LANGUAGES PRESS 
PEKING 1963

Printed in the People¹s Republic of China

CONTENTS 
LET US UNITE ON THE BASIS OF THE MOSCOW 
DECLARATION AND THE MOSCOW STATEMENT 
³Renmin Ribao² Editorial, January 27, 1963 
SPEECH OF GREETINGS DELIVERED AT THE SIXTH 
CONGRESS OF THE SOCIALIST UNITY PARTY OF 
GERMANY BY WU HSIU-CHUAN, HEAD OF THE 
DELEGATION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHINA 
January 18, 1963 
MESSAGE OF GREETINGS FROM THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE 
OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHINA TO 
THE SIXTH CONGRESS OF THE SOCIALIST UNITY 
PARTY OF GERMANY 
1 
21 
34


1 
LET US UNITE ON THE BASIS OF 
THE MOSCOW DECLARATION AND 
THE MOSCOW STATEMENT 
³Renmin Ribao² Editorial, January 27, 1963 
The Sixth Congress of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany 
was held from January 15 to January 21. 
In their attempts to stop the successful development of 
the people¹s struggles for world peace, national liberation, 
democracy and socialism, the imperialists, the reactionaries 
of various countries and the Yugoslav revisionists 
are at the present time using every means to disrupt the 
unity of the peoples of the world, and especially the unity 
of the socialist camp and of the international communist 
movement. The Communists of all countries and all progressive 
mankind are deeply worried and disturbed over 
the ever-increasing harm that is being done to the unity 
of the international communist ranks, and they are 
eagerly demanding the ironing out of differences and the 
strengthening of unity in the common struggle against 
the enemy on the basis of the Moscow Declaration and 
the Moscow Statement. 
It was our hope that, meeting in these circumstances, 
the Congress of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany 
would contribute to the unity of the socialist camp and of 
the international communist movement by adhering to the

2 
Moscow Declaration and the Moscow Statement. The 
German Democratic Republic stands on the western front 
of the socialist camp, and is facing the menace of the 
West German militarism backed by U.S. imperialism. The 
spearhead of the struggle should naturally have been 
directed against our common enemies; there was not the 
slightest reason for this Congress to repeat practices 
which grieve those near and dear to us all and gladden 
the enemy. 
Unfortunately, events at the Congress ran counter to 
our hope. 
The outstanding features of the Congress were that 
while much was said about stopping attacks and strengthening 
unity among the fraternal Parties, extremely 
crude attacks were continued against the Chinese Communist 
Party and other fraternal Parties, attacks which 
further widen differences and damage unity, and that 
while much was said about supporting the Moscow Declaration 
and the Moscow Statement, brazen attempts, 
which were in open violation of the Moscow Declaration 
and the Moscow Statement, were made to reverse the 
verdict passed on the Tito clique of renegades to Marxism-
Leninism. 
When in the course of his speech the head of the Chinese 
Communist Party Delegation, which attended the 
Congress by invitation, quoted and discussed the criticisms 
of Yugoslav revisionism made in the Moscow Statement, 
the executive chairman of the Congress repeatedly 
stopped him. Prompted by this cue, there was an uproar 
of booing, whistling and foot-stamping in the congress 
hall. It is indeed strange and almost incredible for such 
a phenomenon to occur in the international communist 
movement. When the delegate of the Chinese Communist

3 
Party ended his speech, the executive chairman of the 
Congress went so far as to protest. He stated that he 
³most decidedly rejected² the criticism of Yugoslav revisionism 
made by the delegate of the Communist Party 
of China and described it as ³contradicting all the norms 
prevailing among Communist and revolutionary Workers¹ 
Parties². Following this, the Soviet newspaper Izvestia 
attacked the delegate of the Communist Party of China 
for his criticism of Yugoslav revisionism, stating that it 
was ³utterly impermissible². 
This Congress of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany 
has posed the following vitally important questions to the 
Communists of the whole world: Are the ranks of the international 
communist movement to be united or not? 
Is there to be genuine unity or sham unity? On what 
basis is there to be unity ‹ is there to be unity on the 
basis of the Moscow Declaration and the Moscow Statement, 
or ³unity² on the basis of the Yugoslav revisionist 
programme or on some other basis? In other words, 
are differences to be ironed out and unity strengthened, 
or are differences to be widened and a split created? 
The Chinese Communists, all Marxist-Leninists and all 
progressive mankind unanimously desire to uphold unity 
and oppose a split, to secure genuine unity and oppose a 
sham unity, to defend the common foundation of the 
unity of the international communist movement and 
oppose the undermining of this foundation, and to uphold 
and strengthen the unity of the socialist camp and of the 
international communist movement on the basis of the 
Moscow Declaration and the Moscow Statement. 
The Chinese Communist Party has always held that the 
unity of the socialist camp and of the international communist 
movement is the reliable guarantee of victory for

4 
the revolution of the people in all countries, for the struggle 
against imperialism and its running dogs, for the cause 
of world peace, national liberation, democracy and 
socialism, and for the communist cause throughout the 
world. The basis for such unity is Marxism-Leninism 
and proletarian internationalism, the Moscow Declaration 
of 1957 and the Moscow Statement of 1960. These two 
documents of vital and historic importance were unanimously 
agreed upon by the Communist and Workers¹ 
Parties of all countries and constitute the common programme 
of the international communist movement. Only 
by strict adherence to them is it possible to strengthen 
unity and is it possible to have genuine unity. Violation 
of these two documents can only result in the undermining 
of unity or in a sham unity. It is the sacred duty of 
Communists in all countries resolutely to uphold both 
the revolutionary principles and the common principles 
guiding relations among fraternal Parties and countries 
laid down in the Moscow Declaration and the 
Moscow Statement and to wage an uncompromising 
struggle against all words and deeds violating the 
Moscow Declaration and the Moscow Statement. 
The Communist Party of China has consistently worked 
to uphold and strengthen the unity of the socialist camp 
and of the international communist movement. In 1956, 
the imperialists, the reactionaries of various countries and 
the Yugoslav revisionists organized a world-wide anti- 
Soviet and anti-Communist onslaught and engineered a 
counter-revolutionary revolt in Hungary. Together with 
other fraternal Parties the Communist Party of China 
waged a resolute struggle, thus safeguarding Marxism- 
Leninism and defending the socialist camp. Through their 
joint efforts and full consultations at the 1957 and 1960

5 
Moscow meetings, the other fraternal Parties and the 
Chinese Communist Party formulated a common line for 
the international communist movement and established 
common principles guiding the mutual relations of fraternal 
Parties and countries. At these two meetings, we 
conducted a necessary struggle against certain wrong 
tendencies detrimental to unity and also made necessary 
compromises on certain matters, thus contributing to the 
unanimous agreement reached at the meetings. 
At the 22nd Congress of the Communist Party of the 
Soviet Union in 1961, when there occurred the first serious 
incident in which one Party at its own congress made an 
open attack by name on another fraternal Party, that 
is, on the Albanian Party of Labour, the delegation of 
the Chinese Communist Party voiced firm opposition 
and proffered sincere advice. There and then we pointed 
out that a practice of this kind ³does not help unity 
and is not helpful to resolving problems. To bring a 
dispute between fraternal Parties and fraternal countries 
into the open in the face of the enemy cannot be regarded 
as a serious Marxist-Leninist attitude. Such an attitude 
will only grieve those near and dear to us and gladden 
the enemy. The Communist Party of China sincerely 
hopes that fraternal Parties which have disputes or differences 
between them will unite afresh on the basis of 
Marxism-Leninism and on the basis of mutual respect 
for independence and equality.² It is regrettable that our 
efforts failed to prevent a further deterioration in Soviet- 
Albanian relations. Our good intentions were even subjected 
to repeated censure by certain people. 
In its desire to uphold the principles guiding the 
mutual relations of fraternal Parties and countries and 
to strengthen unity, the Chinese Communist Party in

6 
April 1962 gave its active support to the proposals made 
by some fraternal Parties for easing relations and improving 
the atmosphere, and, in a letter to the fraternal 
Party concerned, formally expressed its opinion that a 
meeting of representatives of the Communist and Workers¹ 
Parties of all countries should be convened to iron 
out differences and strengthen unity through comradely 
discussion and consultation. We also pointed out that, 
prior to such a meeting, all fraternal Parties should make 
extensive preparations, including the cessation of radio 
and press attacks on another fraternal Party, in order 
to create favourable conditions for the meeting and 
ensure its success. 
To our great distress, these positive proposals of the 
Communist Party of China and some other fraternal 
Parties have not evoked a corresponding response from 
the fraternal Party concerned. On the contrary, the 
practice of violating the principles guiding relations 
among fraternal Parties and countries, and especially 
the vicious practice of openly attacking other fraternal 
Parties by name at a Party congress, has gone from bad 
to worse. At every one of the recent congresses of fraternal 
Parties the attacks on the Albanian Party of 
Labour were continued and attacks were made against 
the Communist Party of China, while at one congress the 
Korean Workers¹ Party, too, was attacked. 
This adverse current, which runs counter to the 
Moscow Declaration and the Moscow Statement and 
which is disrupting the unity of the international communist 
movement, reached a new climax at the Sixth 
Congress of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany. There, 
the Yugoslav revisionist clique was shielded in many 
ways, while the fraternal Party delegate who criticized

7 
Yugoslav revisionism in accordance with the Moscow 
Statement was treated in an utterly uncomradely and 
rude manner. Such behaviour is extremely vulgar as 
well as completely futile. In the view of certain comrades, 
adherence to the principles of the Moscow Statement, 
which had been unanimously agreed upon by the 
fraternal Parties, was utterly impermissible and illegitimate 
while the Yugoslav revisionism condemned by the 
Moscow Statement was to be welcomed and was legitimate. 
On the one hand, they wantonly attacked comrades 
who adhere to Marxism-Leninism, and on the other, 
they talked volubly of uniting with out-and-out revisionists. 
On the one hand, they used every conceivable 
method to deprive delegates of fraternal Parties opposing 
Yugoslav revisionism of the opportunity to speak, and 
on the other, they applauded the betrayers of Marxism- 
Leninism. This outrageous practice was all the more 
serious because it was carefully planned. 
Here we must state in all seriousness that the international 
communist movement is at a critical juncture. The 
Moscow Declaration and the Moscow Statement ‹ the 
common basis of the unity of the Communist and Workers¹ 
Parties of all countries ‹ are in great danger of 
being publicly torn up. The unity of the socialist camp 
and of the international communist movement is under 
a grave threat. 
In the international communist movement of today, 
one¹s attitude towards Yugoslav revisionism is not a 
minor but a major question; it is a question that concerns 
not just one detail or another but the whole. It is a 
question of whether to adhere to Marxism-Leninism or 
to wallow in the mire with the Yugoslav revisionists,

8 
whether to take the Moscow Declaration and the Moscow 
Statement as the foundation of unity or to take the 
Yugoslav revisionist programme or something else as 
the foundation of ³unity², and whether genuinely to 
strengthen unity or merely to pay lip service to unity 
while in fact creating a split. In the final analysis, it is 
a question of whether to adhere strictly to the Moscow 
Declaration and the Moscow Statement or to tear 
them up. 
The Moscow Statement of 1960 unequivocally declares: 
The Communist Parties have unanimously condemned 
the Yugoslav variety of international opportunism, 
a variety of modern revisionist ³theories² in concentrated 
form. After betraying Marxism-Leninism, which 
they termed obsolete, the leaders of the League of Communists 
of Yugoslavia opposed their anti-Leninist 
revisionist programme to the Declaration of 1957; they 
set the L.C.Y. against the international communist 
movement as a whole, severed their country from the 
socialist camp, made it dependent on so-called ³aid² 
from U.S. and other imperialists, and thereby exposed 
the Yugoslav people to the danger of losing the revolutionary 
gains achieved through a heroic struggle. The 
Yugoslav revisionists carry on subversive work against 
the socialist camp and the world communist movement. 
Under the pretext of an extra-bloc policy, they 
engage in activities which prejudice the unity of all 
the peace-loving forces and countries. Further exposure 
of the leaders of Yugoslav revisionists and 
active struggle to safeguard the communist movement 
and the working-class movement from the anti

9 
Leninist ideas of the Yugoslav revisionists, remains an 
essential task of the Marxist-Leninist Parties. 
The stand taken by the Chinese Communist Party visà-
vis Yugoslav revisionism is exactly that prescribed in 
the Moscow Statement, a stand which should be taken and 
must be taken by all Marxist-Leninist Parties. It is the 
exact antithesis of the stand of the Yugoslav revisionists, 
who are fundamentally opposed both to the Moscow 
Declaration and to the Moscow Statement and who set 
their revisionist programme against the common programme 
of the Communist and Workers¹ Parties of all 
countries. In the Programme of the League of Communists 
of Yugoslavia, the Tito clique deny the basic 
antagonism between the socialist camp and the imperialist 
camp and advocate what they call the ³extra-bloc² stand; 
they deny the theory of proletarian revolution and proletarian 
dictatorship and maintain that the capitalist countries 
can ³peacefully grow into² socialism; they describe 
ownership by the whole people in the socialist countries 
as ³state capitalism² and regard Marxism-Leninism as 
obsolete. All this is as incompatible with the Marxist- 
Leninist theses of the Moscow Declaration and the 
Moscow Statement as fire with water. 
The League of Communists of Yugoslavia declared in 
the communique of the Ninth Plenum of its Central 
Committee, issued in December 1957 after the Moscow 
meeting of the same year: 
The plenum considers that the delegation, pursuing 
the political line of the Central Committee of the League 
of Communists of Yugoslavia, acted correctly by not 
taking part in the meeting of the Communist and 
Workers¹ Parties of the twelve socialist countries and

10 
by not signing the declaration of that meeting, which 
contains some attitudes and appraisals contrary to the 
attitude of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia 
which considers them incorrect. 
As for the Moscow Statement, the Tito clique has made 
wilder attacks on it. The same Vlahovic, who was given 
a delirious ovation by some people at the recent Congress 
of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany as the representative 
of the Tito clique, declared in February 1961 at the 
enlarged meeting of the Central Executive Committee of 
the League of Communists of Yugoslavia: 
The Moscow Conference followed the line of seeking 
a compromise between different standpoints and tendencies, 
the line based on ³stereotyped, mechanical 
levelling, and of establishing uniform tactical rules for 
the struggle². Thus within the framework of a single 
statement there are to be found standpoints and tendencies 
reflecting contemporary objective social developments 
in the world mixed together with 
bureaucratic-dogmatic conceptions, the most obvious 
example of which is the position taken towards socialist 
Yugoslavia. 
The resolution on the Moscow Statement adopted at 
the same meeting said that ³the Moscow Statement . . . can 
have only harmful consequences not merely for the cause 
of socialism but also for the efforts to consolidate peace 
throughout the world². 
Is it or is it not right to criticize Yugoslav revisionism? 
There should have been no doubt about this in the international 
communist ranks. The principled stand taken 
by the Chinese Communist Party in firmly opposing

11 
Yugoslav revisionism was approved by the other fraternal 
Parties. We may all recall that, at the Seventh Congress 
of the Bulgarian Communist Party in June 1958, Comrade 
Khrushchov said that ³the Chinese comrades and also the 
other fraternal Parties are rightly and profoundly criticizing 
the revisionist propositions of the draft programme of 
the League of Communists of Yugoslavia². 
We also remember that at the previous Congress of the 
Socialist Unity Party of Germany, that is, at its Fifth 
Congress held in July 1958, there was no difference of 
opinion among Communist and Workers¹ Parties on 
whether Yugoslav revisionism should be criticized. Comrade 
Khrushchov then said: 
The anti-Marxist, anti-Leninist views of the Yugoslav 
leaders were subjected to thoroughgoing principled 
criticism by the Communist Party of China, the Socialist 
Unity Party of Germany and all the other fraternal 
Parties. In decisions taken by their leading 
bodies and in articles in the Party press, all the Parties 
took a clear-cut position and condemned those views, 
paying considerable attention to a critical analysis of 
them. And this was correct. 
He also said: 
. . . When the Yugoslav leaders declare they are 
Marxist-Leninists and use Marxism-Leninism only as a 
cover to mislead gullible people and divert them from 
the path of revolutionary class struggle charted by Marx 
and Lenin, they want to wrest from the hands of the 
working class its sharpest class weapon. Whether they 
wish to or not, they are helping the class enemy of the 
working people, and in return for this they are given

12 
loans; in return for this the imperialists praise their 
³independent² policy of ³no blocs², which the reactionary 
forces make use of in an attempt to undermine 
our socialist camp. 
He added: 
In their speeches and official documents the Yugoslav 
leaders have outlined openly revisionist views that are 
contrary to the revolutionary essence of Marxism- 
Leninism. They have taken a clearly schismatic, revisionist 
line and by so doing are helping the enemies of 
the working class in the fight against communism, in 
the imperialists¹ fight against the Communist Parties 
and against the unity of the international revolutionary 
working-class movement. 
He went on to say: 
In essence, the programme of the Yugoslav leadership 
is a worse version of a whole series of revisionist 
platforms held by Right-wing Social-Democrats. Consequently 
the Yugoslav leaders have not been drawn to 
the path of revolutionary Marxist-Leninist teachings; 
they have followed the path laid down by revisionists 
and opportunists of the Second International ‹ Bernstein, 
Kautsky and other renegades. In actual fact 
they have now joined forces with Karl Kautsky¹s offspring 
‹ his son Benedict, . . . 
We cannot understand why some comrades, who formerly 
took the correct stand of criticizing Yugoslav revisionism, 
should have now made an about-turn of 180 
degrees. 
It has been claimed that this was because ³the Yugoslav 
leaders have removed very much of what was considered

13 
erroneous². Unfortunately, the Tito clique themselves 
have never admitted to having made any mistakes, let 
alone removed them. It is indeed subjectivism pure and 
simple to assert that the Tito clique have ³removed² their 
mistakes. We would ask the apologists for the Tito clique 
to listen to the Titoists¹ own statements. 
As early as April 1958, Tito declared at the Seventh 
Congress of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, 
³It would just be a waste of time for any quarters to expect 
us to retreat from our principled position on international 
and internal questions.² 
In 1959, Kardelj, another leader of the Tito clique, 
stated even more bluntly in a pamphlet, ³. . . and now the 
critics insistently urge on us what they themselves have 
begun to renounce, and criticize us for what they themselves 
have begun to accept.² 
Only recently, in December 1962, the moment he 
alighted from the train on his return from the Soviet 
Union, Tito said in Belgrade, ³Discussions . . . about 
how Yugoslavia will now change her policy are simply 
superfluous and ridiculous. We have no need to change 
our policy.² He added a few days later, ³I said there [in 
the Soviet Union] that there is no possibility of Yugoslavia¹s 
changing her foreign policy.² 
These statements by Tito and Kardelj demonstrate the 
Tito clique¹s firm denial of any change in their revisionist 
line and policies. In fact, they have not changed at all. 
What were the apologists for the Tito clique doing if not 
lying when they said that the Tito clique ³have removed 
very much of what was considered erroneous²? 
Certain people have lately been talking a lot about how 
their views on many problems are coming closer to or 
agreeing with those of the Tito clique. We would ask,

14 
since there has not been any change in the revisionist line 
and policies of the Tito clique, does it not follow that the 
makers of these statements are themselves moving closer 
to the revisionist line and policies of the Tito clique? 
What is particularly astonishing is that certain people 
have publicly declared the Moscow Declaration and the 
Moscow Statement to be a ³stereotyped formula². They 
do not allow any fraternal Party to expose and condemn 
Yugoslav revisionism. Whoever insists on condemning 
Yugoslav revisionism, they say, ³follows the jungle laws 
of capitalism² and ³adopts this same jungle morality². 
One might ask, what is the object of describing the Moscow 
Statement, which was unanimously agreed upon by 
eighty-one fraternal Parties, as ³a stereotyped formula² 
or ³the jungle laws of capitalism²? Is it not the object to 
tear up the Moscow Declaration and the Moscow Statement? 
If it is ³jungle morality² to condemn Yugoslav 
revisionism in accordance with the Moscow Statement, 
what kind of morality is the violation of the Moscow 
Declaration and the Moscow Statement and the eagerness 
to ³strangle² a fraternal Party and fraternal country? 
We also note that Comrade Togliatti has gone so far as 
to say: ³. . . This amply justifies the stand which we 
and others have taken towards the Yugoslav comrades, 
hence correcting the resolution of 1960 [the Moscow 
Statement unanimously agreed upon by the eighty-one 
fraternal Parties ‹ ³Renmin Ribao² ed.] which is wrong 
on this point.² We want to ask, what right has Comrade 
Togliatti to declare one part or another of the Moscow 
Statement, which was unanimously agreed upon by the 
fraternal Parties, to be wrong? What right has he to 
³correct² or tear up a solemn international agreement at 
will? If one or several Parties may do as they please

15 
in ³correcting² agreements unanimously reached by all 
the Communist and Workers¹ Parties, will it be possible 
to speak of any principle that all must abide by? 
Certain people are contemptuous of solemn documents 
adopted unanimously by the international communist 
movement; they not only refuse to abide by documents 
which bear their own signatures, but abuse others for 
abiding by them. Clearly, this is perfidy. 
Here we should like to emphasize that those who are 
zealously engaged in reversing the verdict on the Tito 
clique are trying to make a breach in the Moscow Declaration 
and the Moscow Statement on the Yugoslav issue 
and then to tear them up completely. Were their scheme 
to succeed, it would be tantamount to declaring that the 
criticisms of Yugoslav revisionism made by all Communist 
and Workers¹ Parties over these years are wrong and the 
traitorous Tito clique is right, that the Moscow Declaration 
and the Moscow Statement are wrong and the Yugoslav 
revisionist programme is right, that the fundamental 
principles of Marxism-Leninism have become obsolete 
and modern revisionism can no longer be opposed, still 
less be treated as the main danger in the international 
communist movement, and that we should all follow at 
the heels of the Tito clique and ³join forces with Karl 
Kautsky¹s offspring ‹ his son Benedict². 
Were this to happen, the strategy and tactics of the international 
communist movement would have to be completely 
changed and the revolutionary line of Marxism- 
Leninism would have to be replaced by the capitulationist 
line of revisionism. Were this to happen, what possible 
common basis would there be for unity among the 
Communist and Workers¹ Parties of all countries? Is this

16 
not a deliberate attempt to create a split in the international 
communist movement? 
The urgent task now facing the Communist and Workers¹ 
Parties is to defend the Moscow Declaration and the 
Moscow Statement and to uphold and strengthen the unity 
of the socialist camp and of the international communist 
movement on the basis of the Moscow Declaration and 
the Moscow Statement. We resolutely uphold unity on 
the basis of the Moscow Declaration and the Moscow 
Statement, and we resolutely oppose ³unity² on the basis 
of the Yugoslav revisionist programme or on some other 
basis. Together with all fraternal Parties, the Chinese 
Communist Party will work indefatigably to this end. 
The proletarian cause has always been international. To 
be victorious in this common cause, Communists of all 
countries must unite and wage a common struggle. Without 
the unity and solidarity of proletarian internationalism, 
the revolutionary cause cannot be victorious and 
consolidate its victory in any country. 
The only correct way to uphold and strengthen this 
kind of unity is to abide by the principles guiding relations 
among fraternal Parties and fraternal countries 
laid down in the Moscow Declaration and the Moscow 
Statement. 
The principles guiding relations among fraternal Parties 
and countries, as set forth in the Moscow Declaration 
and the Moscow Statement, are as follows: the principle 
of unity on the basis of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian 
internationalism; the principle of mutual support and 
mutual assistance, the principle of independence and 
equality; and the principle of reaching unanimity through 
consultation.

17 
The primary test of a Communist¹s sincerity in upholding 
the unity of the international communist movement 
is whether he conscientiously abides by the principles 
guiding relations among fraternal Parties and countries. 
The Moscow Declaration and the Moscow Statement, 
the two international documents unanimously agreed 
upon by the Communist and Workers¹ Parties, are binding 
on all the fraternal Parties. These Parties have the obligation 
to abide by them and have absolutely no right to 
wreck them. No single Party or group of Parties have the 
right to change them or to declare them null and void. In 
the international communist movement, the resolutions 
of any one fraternal Party, whether right or wrong and 
however important the place and the role of that Party, 
can be binding on that Party alone. According to the 
principles laid down in the Moscow Declaration and the 
Moscow Statement, it is impermissible to impose the programme, 
resolutions, line or policies of any one Party on 
other fraternal Parties, or to require other fraternal Parties 
to obey the irresponsible self-contradictory statements 
made by the leader of a Party who talks one way today 
and another tomorrow, as if those statements were imperial 
decrees; and it is more impermissible for one or 
more Parties wantonly to kick out one or another fraternal 
Party from the international communist movement 
or pull in renegades to Marxism-Leninism. 
Since the international situation is complicated and is 
changing rapidly and since each fraternal Party finds itself 
in different circumstances, the emergence of different 
views among fraternal Parties on one question or 
another can hardly be avoided. The important thing is 
that, once differences have emerged among fraternal 
Parties, they should iron out their differences and

18 
achieve unanimity through inter-Party consultation on 
the basis of equality, basing themselves on the principles 
guiding relations among fraternal Parties as set forth 
in the Moscow Declaration and the Moscow Statement. 
In no circumstances should they make the differences 
among the fraternal Parties public in the face 
of the enemy, nor should they make use of the press and 
other propaganda media for open attacks on other 
fraternal Parties, and still less should they make use of 
congresses of one Party for this purpose. Clearly, if 
open attacks are directed against one fraternal Party 
today and another tomorrow, will there be any unity 
of the international communist movement to speak of? 
We hold that continuing to make attacks while talking 
about one¹s desire to halt them is not the attitude an 
honest Communist should take. As the leader of the 
Korean Workers¹ Party delegation at the recent Congress 
of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany pointed out: 
At this Congress, which is not an international meeting 
of fraternal Parties, there has been some talk of 
ending open disputes over differences of view and 
strengthening unity, and yet differences of view among 
the fraternal Parties have again been brought up, and 
in particular there has been unilateral criticism of the 
Chinese Communist Party. We maintain that this 
cannot be regarded as a friendly and comradely attitude 
and that such an attitude is not conducive to 
the unity and unanimity which we are all calling for. 
Better a single good deed contributing to unity than a 
thousand empty words about unity. It is time to rein in 
on the brink of the precipice! To do so late in the day 
is better than not to do it at all. We sincerely hope that

19 
the fraternal Party which launched the first attack will 
suit its action to its words, take the initiative, and return 
to the path of inter-Party consultation on the basis of 
equality, to the principles guiding relations among 
fraternal Parties and countries as set forth in the Moscow 
Declaration and the Moscow Statement. 
The Communist Party of China is profoundly conscious 
of the duty incumbent on it to uphold and 
strengthen the unity of the socialist camp and of the international 
communist movement. As always, we shall 
spare no effort in making our contribution in this connection. 
The Communist Party of China has advocated 
on more than one occasion, and still advocates, the convening 
of a meeting of representatives of the Communist 
and Workers¹ Parties of all countries at which all can sit 
down calmly, and, through adequate and comradely discussion, 
harmonize their viewpoints, iron out their differences 
and strengthen their unity on a new basis. Together 
with all other fraternal Parties, we desire to take 
every possible step towards easing relations and strengthening 
unity, in order to improve the atmosphere and 
create the conditions necessary for convening the meeting 
of fraternal Parties. 
Today, the imperialists headed by the United States 
and all the reactionaries are frantically and vainly 
struggling to halt and turn back the tide of our epoch, 
to prevent the emancipation of the oppressed nations 
and oppressed peoples and to disrupt the socialist camp. 
In the face of our arch-enemy, we Communists should, 
more than ever, unite closely and wage the common 
battle unswervingly. No words or deeds detrimental to 
the struggles against imperialism and the reactionaries of 
various countries, to the revolutionary struggles of the

peoples of the world, or to the unity of all Communists 
and the revolutionary people of the world, will be countenanced 
by Communists anywhere, by the proletariat 
and working people of all countries, by all the oppressed 
nations and oppressed peoples and by all those engaged 
in the struggle to safeguard world peace. 
The unity of the socialist camp and of the international 
communist movement is the source of our strength 
and the hope of the oppressed nations and the oppressed 
peoples of the world. The more closely we are united, 
the more the people of the world are heartened and 
inspired. The more closely we are united, the greater 
is our ability to strengthen the revolutionary people¹s 
confidence in victory and to deal telling blows at the 
imperialists and the reactionaries of all countries. 
We should not disappoint the expectations of the people 
of the world. We must firmly uphold unity and 
oppose a split. We must have genuine unity and oppose 
sham unity. Let us unite on the basis of Marxism- 
Leninism and proletarian internationalism and on the 
basis of the Moscow Declaration and the Moscow 
Statement!

21 
SPEECH OF GREETINGS 
DELIVERED AT THE SIXTH CONGRESS OF 
THE SOCIALIST UNITY PARTY OF GERMANY 
BY WU HSIU-CHUAN, HEAD OF THE DELEGATION 
OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHINA 
(January 18, 1963) 
Dear Comrades, 
Our delegation has been entrusted by the Central Committee 
of the Communist Party of China to extend the 
warm fraternal greetings of our Party and of the Chinese 
people to the Sixth Congress of the Socialist Unity Party 
of Germany and, through your Congress, to your whole 
Party and to the people of the German Democratic 
Republic. 
Under the leadership of the Socialist Unity Party of 
Germany, the people of the German Democratic Republic 
have scored great achievements in the cause of socialist 
construction. There has been a noteworthy rise both 
in the level of industrial and agricultural production and 
in the material and cultural standards of the people. 
Your achievements in construction are important contributions 
to our common cause of socialism and communism. 
We Chinese people rejoice in them and heartily 
wish you new and greater successes in your socialist 
construction.

22 
The Chinese people very well understand that the people 
of the fraternal German Democratic Republic are on 
the western front of the socialist camp and are waging 
an arduous struggle against the reactionary forces of 
West German militarism which are fostered by the United 
States. U.S. imperialism, pursuing its own aggressive 
objectives on the German question, has been turning 
West Germany into a new hotbed of war. It obstructs 
the signing of a German peace treaty, continues to insist 
on keeping the occupation status of West Berlin and 
constantly carries out all sorts of provocations and subversive 
activities against the socialist camp from West 
Germany and West Berlin. The reactionary forces of 
West German militarism, which have ganged up with U.S. 
imperialism and become a pillar of the aggressive North 
Atlantic bloc, are engaged in criminal activities threatening 
the security of the German Democratic Republic and 
the entire socialist camp and thereby threatening the 
peace of Europe and the whole world. The struggle of 
the people of the German Democratic Republic against 
West German militarism, which is being groomed by the 
United States, their struggle against the policies of aggression 
and war of U.S. imperialism and West German reactionary 
forces and their struggle to conclude a German 
peace treaty and solve the problem of West Berlin, are 
all struggles which conform not only with the interests 
of the German people but also with the interests of peace 
in Europe and the world. The Chinese people will always 
stand by you in these struggles. 
The present international situation is continuing to 
develop in a direction favourable to the peoples of all 
countries and unfavourable to imperialism. The socialist 
camp is growing stronger every day. The national and

23 
democratic revolutionary movements are engulfing Asia, 
Africa and Latin America; many of the oppressed nations 
have won brilliant victories in the fight against imperialism 
and colonialism. The working people of the capitalist 
world are becoming more and more united in the 
class struggle and are intensifying the struggle against 
monopoly capitalist oppression and enslavement, the 
struggle for democracy and social progress. The movement 
of the peoples of all countries against the imperialist 
policies of aggression and war and in defence of world 
peace is growing broader and deeper. The peoples of 
the world have full confidence in the cause of peace, 
democracy, national liberation and socialism. 
Imperialism is a decadent force historically destined 
to die. Its days are becoming more difficult. The contradictions 
inherent in imperialism are daily becoming 
sharper. The imperialist camp is further disintegrating 
because of the struggle for markets, for spheres of influence 
and for control of nuclear weapons. The process 
of the capitalist world¹s decline and collapse is accelerating. 
However, imperialism will never withdraw of its 
own accord from the arena of history and its nature will 
never change. The more unfavourable the circumstances 
in which imperialism finds itself, the more it will intensify 
its attacks on the peoples of all countries. Therefore, 
the people of the world must always maintain the 
highest vigilance against imperialism and never relax in 
the struggle for a single moment. 
Kennedy talks profusely about peace but is actually 
pursuing a more cunning and more adventurous global 
strategy of counter-revolution. One must not entertain 
any unrealistic illusions about this chieftain of the U.S. 
monopoly capitalist class. The Kennedy Administration

24 
is employing the dual tactics of counter-revolution: under 
the cIoak of peace it is actively carrying out the policies 
of aggression and war. It is pursuing the policy of 
strength and the policy of nuclear blackmail ever more 
frantically and stepping up arms expansion and war preparations; 
while preparing for nuclear war, it is also 
preparing for conventional war and is actually engaged 
in so-called special warfare. It is craftily carrying out 
all sorts of intrigues in the vain hope of stamping out the 
national and democratic movements, suppressing the 
revolutionary movements of the peoples, and breaking 
up the socialist camp. More and more people have come 
to realize that U.S. imperialism is the centre of world 
reaction, the most ferocious enemy of the people of the 
world and the most vicious enemy of world peace. 
Recently, the situation in Cuba has provided the revolutionary 
people of the world with extraordinarily rich 
and vivid lessons. This situation proves that man is the 
decisive factor in the struggle against imperialism. It 
was the heroic Cuban people who mobilized themselves 
and rallied around their revolutionary leader, Comrade 
Fidel Castro, persevered in the five just demands for the 
safeguarding of Cuba¹s independence and sovereignty, 
waged an unswerving struggle against U.S. imperialism 
and, with the sympathy and support of the peoples of 
Latin America and the world, won a great victory in 
defence of Cuba¹s independence, sovereignty and the 
fruits of her revolution, thus making a great contribution 
to the cause of world peace. 
U.S. imperialism bullies the faint-hearted but fears the 
stout-hearted; what it fears most is the strength of a 
united revolutionary people. Undoubtedly imperialism can 
be prevented from launching a world war and world peace

25 
can be safeguarded, so long as we firmly believe in the 
strength of the masses of the people and resolutely rely 
on their struggles; so long as the great forces of our time 
‹ the forces of socialism, the forces of national and democratic 
revolutions, the forces of the working class and all 
peace-loving forces ‹ are united and form the broadest 
possible united front against imperialism, headed by U.S. 
imperialism, and its lackeys; and so long as we adopt 
correct policies and wage unremitting struggles against 
the enemy. This is the only correct way to defend world 
peace. 
The Communist Party of China and the Chinese Government 
have consistently stood for peaceful coexistence 
between countries with different social systems. China 
was an initiator of the well-known Five Principles of 
Peaceful Coexistence. On the basis of the Five Principles, 
China has established friendly relations with many 
countries, concluded treaties of friendship or treaties of 
friendship and mutual non-aggression with Yemen, 
Burma, Nepal, Afghanistan, Guinea, Cambodia, Indonesia 
and Ghana, and achieved a satisfactory settlement of 
boundary questions with Burma, Nepal and other countriesl. 
These facts are clear to all. As far as the Sino- 
Indian boundary question is concerned, China has consistently 
sought a fair and reasonable solution through 
peaceful negotiation. Nevertheless, the Nehru government 
of India has completely rejected negotiations, made 
every attempt to alter the situation on the Sino-Indian 
frontier by force and made ever-increasing encroachments 
on China¹s border territories. And finally it 
brazenly ordered an attack to be launched on China 
and Chinese territory to be ³freed² of Chinese 
frontier forces. Confronted with the massive attacks of

26 
the Indian troops, China struck back in seIf-defence; this 
was a minimum, legitimate measure that any other sovereign 
state would have taken. Having repulsed the attacks 
of the Indian forces, China immediately proposed 
the cessation of fighting, disengagement and the reopening 
of negotiations, then, on her own initiative, ceased 
fire and withdrew her troops. It is precisely because 
of this that the situation on the Sino-Indian border has 
eased. We have repeatedly explained that the Nehru 
government¹s persistent opposition to China is the outcome 
of its domestic and foreign policies, which have 
become more and more reactionary, and is the outcome 
of its becoming more and more obsequious towards imperialism 
and of its repressing the people at home with 
increasing brutality. The Nehru government is supported 
and encouraged by the imperialists, and especially by 
the U.S. imperialists, in its opposition to China and in its 
increasingly reactionary domestic and foreign policies. 
It is regrettable that it is also supported and encouraged 
by some self-styled Marxist-Leninists, who have disregarded 
the facts and turned right and wrong upside 
down throughout the Sino-Indian boundary dispute. They 
have shut their eyes to the large number of relevant 
documents published by socialist China over the past 
three years and more, and have turned a deaf ear to all 
the information and explanations which the Chinese side 
has repeatedly made to them. In fact, they have joined 
Nehru in the anti-Chinese chorus. This shocking stand 
has absolutely nothing in common with Marxism- 
Leninism and proletarian internationalism. 
The modern revisionists represented by the renegades 
to the working class, the Tito clique of Yugoslavia, have 
surrendered to imperialist pressure, are willingly serving

27 
imperialism and are playing a role which the Social- 
Democratic parties are unable to play, that of undermining 
the international unity of the working class. 
Usurping the title of a party of communism, waving the 
banner of a socialist country and garbed as Marxist- 
Leninists, the Tito clique is trying to deceive the revolutionary 
peoples of various countries, to destroy 
their fighting spirit and to disrupt the revolutionary 
struggles of the oppressed peoples and nations. It 
is trying to disintegrate the socialist countries by exporting 
the so-called YugosIav road, which means 
degeneration to capitalism. Under the mask of ³nonalignment², 
it is striving to undermine the unity between 
the socialist countries and those countries which pursue 
a policy of peace and neutrality. Today the Tito clique 
is a task force of U.S. imperialism for carrying out 
the latter ¹s counter-revolutionary global strategy. As 
the Moscow Statement points out, the Tito clique ³. . . 
betraying Marxism-Leninism, . . . carry on subversive 
work against the socialist camp and the world communist 
movement . . . they engage in activities which prejudice 
the unity of all the peace-loving forces and countries. 
Further exposure of the leaders of Yugoslav revisionists 
and active struggle to safeguard the oommunist movement 
and the working-class movement from the anti- 
Leninist ideas of the Yugoslav revisionists, remains an 
essential task of the Marxist-Leninist Parties². 
Comrades, now more than at any other time, we Communists 
need to be concerned about safeguarding and 
strengthening the unity of the socialist camp, and of the 
international communist movement. Uniting against the 
enemy is in the supreme interest of the Communists and 
the peoples of all countries, and is the primary task of

28 
all Communists. The relations among socialist countries 
and among Marxist-Leninist Parties are built on Marxism- 
Leninism and proletarian internationalism. The Moscow 
Declaration and the Moscow Statement are the common 
programme of the Communist and Workers¹ Parties of 
the world on which they unite together against the enemy. 
These documents lay down a common line for struggles 
against imperialism and struggles for world peace, democracy, 
national liberation and socialism, and also lay 
down the principles guiding the mutual relations of 
fraternal countries and fraternal Parties. As the Moscow 
Statement points out, ³every country in the socialist camp 
is ensured genuinely equal rights and independence²; 
³all the Marxist-Leninist Parties are independent and 
have equal rights; they shape their policies according to 
the specific conditions in their respective countries and 
in keeping with Marxist-Leninist principles, and support 
each other²; all the Marxist-Leninist Parties should ³work 
out common views through consultations and co-ordinate 
joint actions in the struggle for common goals². 
The experience of the entire international communist 
movement proves that differences of one kind or another 
among fraternal countries and fraternal Parties can 
hardly be avoided; the question is how to handle the 
relations among fraternal countries and Parties correctly. 
If the principles guiding relations among fraternal countries 
and Parties, i.e., the principles of independence, 
equality and the attainment of unanimity through consultations, 
are violated, the result can only be the harming 
of unity, the widening of differences, and even the 
danger of bringing about a split. 
The Communist Party of China is consistent in safeguarding 
the unity of the socialist camp and of the in

29 
ternational communist movement, and consistent in defending 
the principles guiding the mutual relations of 
fraternal countries and fraternal Parties as set forth in 
the Moscow Declaration and the Moscow Statement. That 
was why a year or more ago the delegation of the Communist 
Party of China expressed its firm opposition when 
public attack by name was made for the first time on 
another fraternal Party, the Albanian Party of Labour, 
at the Twenty-second Congress of the Communist Party 
of the Soviet Union. Already at that time we pointed 
out that such a practice ³does not help unity and is not 
helpful to resolving problems. To bring a dispute between 
fraternal Parties or fraternal countries into the 
open in the face of the enemy cannot be regarded as a 
serious Marxist-Leninist attitude. Such an attitude will 
only grieve those near and dear to us and gladden our 
enemies. The Communist Party of China sincerely hopes 
that fraternal Parties which have disputes or differences 
between them will unite afresh on the basis of Marxism- 
Leninism and on the basis of mutual respect for independence 
and equality². However, it is to be regretted that 
this sincere advice on our part has not succeeded in preventing 
a deterioration in the situation. Actuated by its 
desire to uphold the principles guiding the mutual relations 
of fraternal countries and Parties and to strengthen 
unity, in April 1962 the Communist Party of China 
energetically supported the suggestions put forward by a 
number of fraternal Parties for easing relations and improving 
the atmosphere, and formally proposed to the 
fraternal Party concerned that a meeting of representatives 
of all Communist and Workers¹ Parties should be 
convened to iron out differences and strengthen unity 
through comradely discussions and consultations. We also

30 
pointed out that pending the convening of such a conference, 
all Parties should stop attacking each other over 
the radio and in the press, so as to create conditions 
favourable to the convening of the conference. 
We cannot but point out that to our distress such efforts 
on the part of the Communist Party of China and some 
other fraternal Parties have not evoked a response from 
the fraternal Party concerned. On the contrary, the 
practice which violates the principles guiding relations 
among fraternal countries and Parties has been steadily 
intensified, so much so that the recent series of Congresses 
of a number of fraternal Parties have been used as platforms 
for further attacks on other fraternal Parties. At 
these Congresses, comrades of some fraternal Parties 
continued their attacks on the Albanian Party of Labour 
and attacked the Comrnunist Party of China and another 
fraternal Party by name. In addition, they have extensively 
mobilized their newspapers and other propaganda 
media to make large-scale attacks and slanders 
against the Communist Party of China. It is completely 
justified that many fraternal Parties have expressed deep 
anxiety and worry at this grave adverse current which 
is disrupting unity and creating a split. 
The Communist Party of China has always welcomed 
any and all words and deeds which are conducive to the 
unity of the international communist movement. At the 
current Congress of your Party, we have heard a certain 
degree of response to the consistent proposal of the Communist 
Party of China for the cessation of open attacks 
among the fraternal Parties, the relaxation of strained 
relations among them and the improvement of the 
atmosphere. We will be very happy if such expressions 
are translated into aetion. We maintain that the deeds

31 
of Communists should accord with their words. One 
should not preach the need to call a halt to attacks while 
at the same time continuing to make attacks. Such a 
practice is not conducive to ironing out differences and 
strengthening unity. 
Here we wish once again to make a sincere appeal: let 
all of us treasure the interests of the cause of the proletarian 
revolution and of the struggle against the enemy, 
iron out differences and strengthen unity through proper 
channels and strictly in accordance with the principles 
set forth in the Moscow Declaration and the Moscow 
Statement. In order to iron out differences and strengthen 
unity, it is imperative to return to the path of adherence 
to the principles laid down in the Moscow Declaration 
and the Moscow Statement and to the path of inter- 
Party consultation on the basis of equality. In this 
respect, it will be helpful in resolving problems for 
the comrades who first attacked fraternal Parties to take 
the initiative. The Communist Party of China maintains 
that the only correct way to iron out differences and 
strengthen unity is for everyone to adhere to Marxism- 
Leninism and proletarian internationalism, to the revolutionary 
principles of the Moscow Declaration and the 
Moscow Statement and to the principles guiding relations 
among fraternal countries and fraternal Parties, 
and to conduct comradely discussions and consultations. 
It is in pursuance of this stand that the Communist Party 
of China has more than once proposed the convening of 
a meeting of representatives of all Communist and 
Workers¹ Parties and has supported the suggestions made 
by a number of fraternal Parties for the convening of 
such an international conference. Now we still maintain 
that it is essential to call such an international con

32 
ference of fraternal Parties. To make the conference a 
success, the fraternal Parties of various countries must 
make joint efforts to overcome numerous difficulties and 
obstacles and do a lot of necessary preparatory work, 
including cessation of attacks against fraternal Parties. 
In the interest of the international communist movement 
and of the common struggle against the enemy, 
the Communist Party of China is ready to continue to 
work unremittingly together with all other Marxist- 
Leninist Parties for the ironing out of differences and 
the strengthening of unity. We firmly believe that the 
international communist movement will eventually 
surmount all difficulties and obstacles, enhance the unity 
of its ranks and score great victories in the struggle to 
oppose imperialism, to safeguard world peace and to 
promote the cause of human progress. 
Comrades, under the leadership of the Communist 
Party of China and its Central Committee headed by 
Comrade Mao Tse-tung, the Chinese people, holding high 
the three red banners ‹ the general line for socialist 
construction, the big leap forward and the people¹s 
commune ‹ have waged struggles in the cause of socialist 
construction and have achieved great successes. 
Warmly responding to the call of the Tenth Plenary 
Session of the Eighth Central Committee of the Party 
and continuing to hold high the three red banners, the 
people of our country, united as one, are now singlemindedly 
and courageously advancing and striving for 
a new upsurge of the national economy and for new 
victories in the cause of socialist construction. 
In international affairs, the general line of our countrys 
foreign policy is: to develop relations of friendship, 
mutual assistance and co-operation with the Soviet Union

and the other fraternal socialist countries in accordance 
with the principle of proletarian internationalism; to 
strive for peaceful coexistence with countries having different 
social systems on the basis of the Five Principles 
and to oppose the imperialist policies of aggression and 
war; and to support the revolutionary struggles of the 
oppressed peoples and the oppressed nations against imperialism 
and colonialism. Our people will persevere in 
this general line and fight, together with all the revolutionary 
and peace-loving people of the world, for the 
victory of the cause of world peace, democracy, national 
liberation and socialism. 
Comrades, the peoples of China and the German 
Democratic Republic have supported each other and 
formed a deep friendship in the course of their socialist 
construction and their common struggle to oppose imperialism 
and safeguard world peace. We firmly believe 
that the friendship between our two Parties and peoples 
will be further developed and consolidated on the basis 
of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism 
and in the interest of the common struggle against the 
enemy. 
May the fraternal friendship between the peoples of 
our two countries grow with each passing day! 
Now, please allow me to read the message of greetings 
from the Central Committee of the Communist Party 
of China.

34 
MESSAGE OF GREETINGS 
FROM THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF 
THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHINA 
TO THE SIXTH CONGRESS OF 
THE SOCIALIST UNITY PARTY 
OF GERMANY 
The Sixth Congress of the Socialist Unity Party of 
Germany 
Dear Comrades: 
The Central Committee of the Communist Party of 
China, on behalf of the Chinese Communist Party and 
the Chinese people, extends warm, fraternal greetings 
to the Sixth Congress of the Socialist Unity Party of 
Germany, and through it, to your whole Party and to 
the people of the German Democratic Republic. 
The Chinese people rejoice in every success scored by 
the people of the fraternal German Democratic Republic 
in socialist construction and in the struggle for the 
unification of the motherland and believe that you will 
gain new successes in your future construction and 
struggles. 
U.S. imperialism is increasing its efforts to carry out 
its policies of aggression and war throughout the world. 
With the energetic support of U.S. imperialism, West 
German militarism is exacerbating its provocations 
against the German Democratic Republic, thus gravely 
threatening the peace of Europe and the world. As in 
the past, the Chinese people will resolutely support the 
just struggle of the people of the German Democratic 
Republic against the U.S. policies of aggression and war,

against West German militarism and in defence of peace 
in Europe and the world. 
In the struggle to oppose imperialism and safeguard 
world peace and in the cause of socialist construction, 
the peoples of China and the German Democratic Republic 
have supported each other and formed a deep 
fraternal friendship. The Chinese people and the Communist 
Party of China will continue to make efforts to 
strengthen the unity between the peoples of our two 
countries and to strengthen the unity of the socialist 
camp and of the international communist movement on 
the basis of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism. 
Long live the unbreakable friendship between the peoples 
of China and the German Democratic Republic! 
Long live the great unity of the socialist camp and of 
the international communist movement! 
Long live Marxism-Leninism! 
The Central Committee of the 
Communist Party of China 
January 12, 1963

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